tactics of social democracy engels

Published by on November 13, 2020

The program of the German Social-Democratic Party does not contain the demand for a republic. ist dictatorship, it would not be amiss to dwell on the views of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung. understood the tasks an armed insurrection entails, which have begun to carry them out, and have realized the necessity of leading the entire popular revolution against tsarism, the necessity of advancing for that purpose certain definite progressive slogans and no other. page 155 It is possible that the Russian revolution will end in an "abortive constitution," as was once stated in the Vperyod,[*] but can this justify a Social-Democrat, who on the eve of a decisive struggle would call this abortion a "decisive victory over tsarism"? What do these words of Marx tell us? In its Zemsky Sobor it will undoubtedly attract to its side the representatives of the nobility, of the Zemstvos, the cities, the universities and similar bourgeois institutions. The revolution in our country is one that involves the whole people, says the bourgeoisie to the proletariat. He discusses the question of the possible isolation of the proletariat in a democratic revolution and forgets . If these forces prove inadequate, tsarism will have time to conclude the deal which is already being prepared on two sides, by Messrs. the Bulygins on the one side, and Messrs. the Struves, on the other. page 68 The Congress drew up a resolution on the "attitude to the peasant movement," the Conference on "work among the peasants." THE GOVERNMENT" Revolutions are the locomotives of history, said Marx.     "b) subject to the relation of forces, and other factors which cannot be exactly determined beforehand, representatives of our Party may participate in the provisional revolutionary government for the purpose of relentless struggle against all counterrevolutionary attempts and of the defence of the independent interests of the working class; Although this stance has been most clearly associated with reformist socialism, it has also been embraced, to a greater or lesser extent, by others, notably modern liberals and paternalist conservatives. At first the issue in the dispute between us was: the Shipov system (rights and an authoritative Zemstvo) or constitu- There is no such thing as abstract truth. it possible for the bourgeoisie to rule as a class. page 119 How these "clubs" come to be classed as unofficially constituted organizations, what these "clubs" really are -- goodness only knows. The tasks connected with an armed insurrection, with the establishment of a provisional government and with a revolutionary-democratic dictatorship have now been distorted and blunted by them in their official resolutions. The class instinct of the bourgeoisie suggests to it exactly what has been repeatedly proved with the help of most precise facts in our literature, namely, that the new Iskra-ists are the opportunist and their opponents the revolutionary wing of the present-day Russian Social-Democratic movement. A bourgeois philosopher or a bourgeois publicist can never understand Social-Democracy properly, neither Menshevik nor Bolshevik Social-Democracy. The program of the German Social-Democratic Party does not contain the demand for a republic. page 17 Social-Democrats who write such disgraceful things in resolutions intended for the guidance of the whole Party, or who approve of such "apt" resolutions, are so blinded by their pedantry, which has utterly eroded the living spirit out of Marxism, that they do not see how these resolutions convert all their other fine words into mere phrasemongering. page 60     and the whole. Why is this so? presented by the Vperyod and that presented in the resolution.     2) The foundation for the full consummation of a democratic revolution is the creation of a free class of peasants. [50] If this is not defined there can be no talk about the advanced democratic tasks of the advanced class. The fact is that not only is no excessive zeal displayed among us with regard to the tasks of insurrection, to the general political slogans and to the matter of leading the entire popular revolution, but, on the contrary, it is backwardness in this very respect that stands out most strikingly, constitutes our weakest spot and a real danger to the movement, which may degenerate, and in some places is degenerating, from one that is revolutionary in deeds into one that is revolutionary in words.

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